THE importance of the Union, in a commercial light, is one of those
points about which there is least room to entertain a difference of
opinion, and which has, in fact, commanded the most general assent
of men who have any acquaintance with the subject. This applies as
well to our intercourse with foreign countries as with each other.
There are appearances to authorize a supposition that the
adventurous spirit, which distinguishes the commercial character of
America, has already excited uneasy sensations in several of the
maritime powers of Europe. They seem to be apprehensive of our too
great interference in that carrying trade, which is the support of
their navigation and the foundation of their naval strength. Those
of them which have colonies in America look forward to what this
country is capable of becoming, with painful solicitude. They
foresee the dangers that may threaten their American dominions from
the neighborhood of States, which have all the dispositions, and
would possess all the means, requisite to the creation of a powerful
marine. Impressions of this kind will naturally indicate the policy
of fostering divisions among us, and of depriving us, as far as
possible, of an ACTIVE COMMERCE in our own bottoms. This would
answer the threefold purpose of preventing our interference in their
navigation, of monopolizing the profits of our trade, and of
clipping the wings by which we might soar to a dangerous greatness.
Did not prudence forbid the details, it would not be difficult to
trace, by facts, the workings of this policy to the cabinets of
ministers.
If we continue united, we may counteract a policy so unfriendly to
our prosperity in a variety of ways. By prohibitory regulations,
extending, at the same time, throughout the States, we may oblige
foreign countries to bid against each other, for the privileges of
our markets. This assertion will not appear chimerical to those who
are able to appreciate the importance of the markets of three
millions of people--increasing in rapid progression, for the most
part exclusively addicted to agriculture, and likely from local
circumstances to remain so--to any manufacturing nation; and the
immense difference there would be to the trade and navigation of
such a nation, between a direct communication in it own ships, and
an indirect conveyance of its products and returns, to and from
America, in the ships of another country.
Suppose, for instance, we had a government in America, capable of
excluding Great Britain (with whom we have at present no treaty of
commerce) from all our ports; what would be the probable operation
of this step upon her politics? Would it not enable us to negotiate,
with the fairest prospect of success, for commercial privileges of
the most valuable and extensive kind, in the dominions of that
kingdom? When these questions have been asked, upon other occasions,
they have received a plausible, but not a solid or satisfactory
answer. It has been said that prohibitions on our part would produce
no change in the system of Britain, because she could prosecute her
trade with us through the medium of the Dutch, who would be her
immediate customers and paymasters for those articles which were
wanted for the supply of our markets. But would not her navigation
be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of
being her own carrier in that trade? Would not the principal part of
its profits be intercepted by the Dutch, as a compensation for their
agency and risk? Would not the mere circumstance of freight occasion
a considerable deduction? Would not so circuitous an intercourse
facilitate the competitions of other nations, by enhancing the price
of British commodities in our markets, and by transferring to other
hands the management of this interesting branch of the British
commerce?
A mature consideration of the objects suggested by these questions
will justify a belief that the real disadvantages to Britain from
such a state of things, conspiring with the prepossessions of a
great part of the nation in favor of the America trade, and with the
importunities of the West India islands, would produce a relaxation
in her present system, and would let us into the enjoyment of
privileges in the markets of those islands and elsewhere, from which
our trade would derive the most substantial benefits. Such a point
gained from the British government, and which could not be expected
without an equivalent in exemptions and immunities in our markets,
would be likely to have a correspondent effect on the conduct of
other nations, who would not be inclined to see themselves
altogether supplanted in our trade.
A further resource for influencing the conduct of European nations
towards us, in this respect, would arise from the establishment of a
federal navy. There can be no doubt that the continuance of the
Union under an efficient government, would put it in our power, at a
period not very distant, to create a navy which, if it could not vie
with those of the great maritime powers, would at least be of
respectable weight if thrown into the scale of either of two
contending parties. This would be more peculiarly the case in
relation to operations in the West Indies. A few ships of the line,
sent opportunely to the reinforcement of either side, would often be
sufficient to decide the fate of a campaign, on the event of which
interests of the greatest magnitude were suspended.
Our position is, in this respect, a most commanding one. And if to
this consideration we add that of the usefulness of supplies from
this country, in the prosecution of military operations in the West
Indies, it will readily be perceived that a situation so favorable
would enable us to bargain with great advantage for commercial
privileges. A price would be set not only upon our friendship, but
upon our neutrality. By a steady adherence to the Union, we may
hope, erelong, to become the arbiter of Europe in America, and to be
able to incline the balance of European competitions in this part of
the world as our interest may dictate.
But in the reverse of this eligible situation, we shall discover
that the rivalships of the parts would make them checks upon each
other, and would frustrate all the tempting advantages which nature
has kindly placed within our reach. In a state so insignificant our
commerce would be a prey to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations
at war with each other; who have nothing to fear from us, would with
little scruple or remorse supply their wants by depredations on our
property as often as it fell in their way. The rights of neutrality
will only be respected when they are defended by an adequate power.
A nation, despicable by its weakness, forfeits even the privilege of
being neutral.
Under a vigorous national government, the natural strength and
resources of the country, directed to a common interest, would
baffle all the combinations of European jealousy to restrain our
growth. This situation would even take away the motive to such
combinations, by inducing an impracticability of success. An active
commerce, an extensive navigation, and a flourishing marine would
then be the offspring of moral and physical necessity. We might defy
the little arts of the little politicians to control or vary the
irresistible and unchangeable course of nature.
But in a state of disunion, these combinations might exist and might
operate with success. It would be in the power of the maritime
nations, availing themselves of our universal impotence, to
prescribe the conditions of our political existence; and as they
have a common interest in being our carriers, and still more in
preventing our becoming theirs, they would in all probability
combine to embarrass our navigation in such a manner as would in
effect destroy it, and confine us to a PASSIVE COMMERCE. We should
then be compelled to content ourselves with the first price of our
commodities, and to see the profits of our trade snatched from us to
enrich our enemies and persecutors. That unequalled spirit of
enterprise, which signalizes the genius of the American merchants
and navigators, and which is in itself in inexhaustible mine of
national wealth, would be stifled and lost, and poverty and disgrace
would overspread a country which, with wisdom, might make herself
the admiration and envy of the world.
There are rights of great moment to the trade of America which are
rights of the Union--I allude to the fisheries, to the navigation of
the Western lakes, and to that of the Mississippi. The dissolution
of the Confederacy would give room for delicate questions concerning
the future existence of these rights; which the interest of more
powerful partners would hardly fail to solve to our disadvantage.
The disposition of Spain with regard to the Mississippi needs no
comment. France and Britain are concerned with us in the fisheries,
and view them as of the utmost moment to their navigation. They, of
course,would hardly remain long indifferent to that decided mastery,
of which experience has shown us to be possessed in this valuable
branch of traffic, and by which we are able to undersell those
nations in their own markets. What more natural than that they
should be disposed to exclude from the lists such dangerous
competitors?
This branch of the trade ought not to be considered as a partial
benefit. All the navigating States may , in different degrees,
advantageously participate in it, and under circumstances of a
greater extension of mercantile capital, would not be unlikely to do
it. As a nursery of seamen, it now is, or, when time shall have more
nearly assimilated the principles of navigation in the several
States, will become, a universal resource. To the establishment of a
navy, it must be indispensable.
To this great national object a NAVY, union will contribute in
various ways. Every institution will grow and flourish in proportion
to the quantity and extent of the means concentrated towards its
formation and support. A navy of the United States, as it would
embrace the resources of all, is an object far less remote than a
navy of any single State or partial confederacy, which would only
embrace the resources of a single part. It happens, indeed, that
different portions of confederated America possess each some
peculiar advantage for this essential establishment. The more
southern States furnish in greater abundance certain kinds of naval
stores--tar, pitch, and turpentine. Their wood for the construction
of ships is also of a more solid and lasting texture. The difference
in the duration of the ships of which the navy might be composed, if
chiefly constructed of Southern wood, would be of signal importance,
either in the view of naval strength or of national economy. Some of
the Southern and of the Middle States yield a greater plenty of
iron, and of better quality. Seamen must chiefly be drawn from the
Northern hive. The necessity of naval protection to external or
maritime commerce does not require a particular elucidation, no more
than the conduciveness of that species of Commerce to the prosperity
of a navy.
An unrestrained intercourse between the States themselves will
advance the trade of each by an interchange of their respective
productions, not only for the supply of reciprocal wants at home,
but for exportation to foreign markets. The veins of commerce in
every part will be replenished, and will acquire additional motion
and vigor from a free circulation of the commodities of every part.
Commercial enterprise will have much greater scope, from the
diversity in the productions of different States. When the staple of
one fails from a bad harvest or unproductive crop, it can call to
its aid the staple of another. The variety, not less than the value,
of products for exportation contributes to the activity of foreign
commerce. It can be conducted upon much better terms with a large
number of materials of a given value than with a small number of
materials of the same value; arising from the competitions of trade
and from the fluctuations of markets. Particular articles may be in
great demand at certain periods, and unsalable at others; but if
there be a variety of articles, it can scarcely happen that they
should all be at one time in the latter predicament, and on this
account the operations of the merchant would be less liable to any
considerable obstruction or stagnation.
The speculative trader will at once perceive the force of these
observations, and will acknowledge that the aggregate balance of the
commerce of the United States would bid fair to be much more
favorable than that of the thirteen States without union or with
partial unions.
It may perhaps be replied to this, that whether the States are
united or disunited, there would still be an intimate intercourse
between them which would answer the same ends; but this intercourse
would be fettered, interrupted, and narrowed by a multiplicity of
causes, which in the course of these papers have been amply
detailed. A unity of commercial, as well as political, interests,
can only result from a unity of government.
There are other points of view in which this subject might be
placed, of a striking and animating kind. But they would lead us too
far into the regions of futurity, and would involve topics not
proper for a newspaper discussion. I shall briefly observe, that our
situation invites and our interests prompt us to aim at an ascendant
in the system of America affairs. The world may politically, as well
as geographically, be divided into four parts, each having a
distinct set of interests. Unhappily for the other three, Europe, by
her arms and by her negotiations, by force and by fraud, has, in
different degrees, extended her dominion over them all. Africa,
Asia, and America, have successively felt her domination. The
superiority she has long maintained has tempted her to plume herself
as the Mistress of the World, and to consider the rest of mankind as
created for her benefit. Men admired as profound philosophers have,
in direct terms, attributed to her inhabitants a physical
superiority and have gravely asserted that all animals, and with
them the human species, degenerate in America--that even dogs cease
to bark after having breathed awhile in our atmosphere. (footnote
1.)
Facts have too long supported these arrogant pretensions of the
Europeans. It belongs to us to vindicate the honor of the human
race, and to teach that assuming brother, moderation. Union will
enable us to do it. Disunion will add another victim to his
triumphs. Let Americans disdain to be the instruments of European
greatness! Let the thirteen States, bound together in a strict and
indissoluble Union, concur in erecting one great American system,
superior to the control of all transatlantic force or influence, and
able to dictate the terms of the connection between the old and the
new world!
Signed "PUBLIUS"
Footnotes Explained:
Footnote Number 1. "Recherches philosophiques sur les Americains."
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